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Thus, a child's status as an adult would not most likely alter from that of his or her father. A child's education was the responsibility with the family, because they had to teach what was necessary for ones survival on the family. Consequently, equality of education meant nothing. On the industrial revolution, economic businesses designed outside in the household, providing young children with occupational mobility outside of their families. As the families lost their welfare functions, the training of young children became significant towards community as a whole, which wanted to ensure that they could support themselves as adults (Coleman, 1990, pp. 17-19).

Just as many 19th Century families could not afford to enable their young children attend school beyond a fairly early age, present economic realities continue to affect how far an individual continues his or her education. Regardless, the role of schools in providing equality of opportunity is often a passive one. They merely make available to a baby a curriculum which might not otherwise be available; it's as much as the infant and his loved ones to use this "opportunity." The schools' role became less passive with the advent of compulsory education, but no person is required to even finish their secondary education (Coleman, 1990, pp. 19-22).

What is meant by equal educational opportunity?

Because on the problems in the more than definitions, a definition could be inferred from court decisions. In Brown v. Board of Education (347 U.S. 483 (1954)), the U.S. Supreme Court focused on output, though it did not go so far as to require full equality in output. The Court seemed to imply that equality meant a public educational method which is sufficiently strong to prevent, for typically intelligent children, the disadvantages that result from their family members circumstances from handicapping them severely in adult life. Thus, the Court seemed being saying that equal opportunity meant an education leading to equality of adult opportunity (Coleman, 1990, pp. 64-65). Court decisions need to focus upon governmental actions, however, and the reality of segregated schools may possibly not be the result of government actions. Other factors which can't be controlled by court decisions, just like "white flight," may perhaps also result in segregated schools. Thus, defining opportunity through court decisions might not be adequate, for a court may possibly declare how the federal government is providing equal opportunities for education, even though uncontrollable factors may be limiting these opportunities.

Certain grouping practices were found to acquire positive results over a achievement scores of black students: flexible tracking, active learning, and equal-status programs. In contrast, none of these programs had a bad effect on white students' scores. Ironically, tracking did not seem for getting much of an effect on either white or black students' scores, though it may perhaps contribute to lower self-concept, feelings of unfair treatment, or lower estimates of black students' abilities, all of which do influence achievement. It also precludes to a large degree the use of equal-status programs, having a positive effect on scores.

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